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Troops rescues 146, thwarted oil theft worth N103m in one week

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Markus Kangye, Defence Headquarters (DHQ) director of defence media operations says troops have rescued 146 kidnap victims and thwarted oil theft worth N103 million within one week of sustained operations across the country.

Kangye said from May 8 to 15, 2025, troops destroyed multiple terrorist camps and rehabilitated civilians affected by conflict.

“The gallant troops neutralised scores of terrorists and apprehended two wanted extremists informants and logistics suppliers identified as Zakari Abubakar and Aliyu Musa in Suleja and Borgu LGA of Niger state.

“Within the period under review, troops successfully destroyed several terrorists’ camps as well as rescue kidnapped victims and the rehabilitation of civilians affected by the conflict.

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“As part of its mandate, the military launched several key operations during the week with renewed vigour aimed at combating insurgency, terrorism, and other forms of criminal activities that threaten our communities,” the statement reads.

“Troops also apprehended an ammunition courier identified as Rufai Abdullahi in Gwagwalada Area Council of the FCT.

“Items recovered within the period under review include: arms and ammunition, monies, locally fabricated guns, as well as motorcycles. Other items recovered were pumping machines, drilling machines, tricycles, mobile phones and vehicles.”

Kangye added that the troops of Operation Hadin Kai neutralised scores of terrorists during fighting patrols, raids and clearance operations in Mafa, Dikwa, Gwoza and Damboa LGAs of Borno state.

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“The operation led to the rescue of 17 kidnap victims as well as the recovery of arms and some quantities of assorted ammunition, as well as hand grenades and extra magazines,” the statement reads.

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“In the North West, the troops of Operation Fansan Yamma killed scores of terrorists and rescued 129 victims across Kaduna, Katsina, Sokoto and Zamfara states within the week.

“In the Niger Delta, the troops of Operation Delta Safe, foiled oil theft worth over N103 million, comprising 68,875 litres of stolen crude oil, 31,166 litres of illegally refined automotive gas oil (AGO) and 2,250 litres of dual purpose kerosene (DPK).

“Other items recovered include pumping machines, drilling machines, tricycles, motorcycles, mobile phones and seven vehicles.”

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He added that troops discovered and destroyed 16 crude oil cooking ovens, 31 dugout pits, 19 boats, 34 storage tanks, 79 drums and 18 illegal refining sites.

 

additional posts culled from TheCable

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Arrested Again: The Long Legal Shadow of Okoi Obono-Obla

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A former Buhari anti-corruption chief now faces fresh criminal allegations — but are these the consequences of genuine wrongdoing, or the price of powerful enemies?


By Crime Correspondent, February 20, 2026


 

On the afternoon of Wednesday, February 19, 2026, operatives of the Cross River State Police Command moved quietly through Ugep town in Yakurr Local Government Area and placed a man in handcuffs near the Abuja Park motor park. The man was no ordinary citizen. He was Okoi Ofem Obono-Obla — a lawyer, a former presidential aide, and the man who once ran Nigeria’s most powerful asset recovery body under President Muhammadu Buhari.

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Within hours, his supporters were on social media claiming he had been kidnapped by unknown gunmen. The police, in a swift and unusually detailed statement, pushed back hard. The Cross River State Police Command confirmed the arrest was carried out lawfully, and that it followed a petition submitted to the commissioner of police alleging offences of forgery and obtaining admission or professional qualification — including entry into the legal profession — by false pretence.

He was subsequently taken to the State Criminal Investigation Department (SCID) in Calabar, where investigations are ongoing.

The command dismissed circulating reports suggesting abduction, stating categorically that “allegations of kidnapping or involvement of unidentified security outfits are false, unfounded, and entirely without factual basis.”

His lawyer has been informed and is involved in the process. His family knows where he is.

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But the question that hangs over this arrest — as it has over every proceeding involving this man — is far older and far more corrosive: did Okoi Obono-Obla ever legitimately qualify to be a lawyer in the first place?


A Sudden Rise, A Sudden Fall

Obono-Obla’s elevation to national prominence came in 2016, when President Buhari appointed him Senior Special Assistant to the President on Prosecution at the Federal Ministry of Justice. Simultaneously, he was made chairman of the Special Presidential Investigation Panel for the Recovery of Public Property (SPIP) — a body mandated with the enormous and politically sensitive task of recovering assets looted from the Nigerian state.

By all accounts, he pursued that role with aggression. In an interview on the MIC ON podcast hosted by Seun Akinbaloye, he described pursuing offshore assets, armoured Mercedes fleets, and multi-million-pound property portfolios tied to politically connected figures. He claimed, remarkably, that some of the assets his panel recovered were subsequently returned to their original owners after he submitted reports to the Presidency and then-Attorney General Abubakar Malami.

“Through the Panama Papers, we discovered offshore properties worth over £200 million belonging to a prominent former governor and senator,” he stated. “Despite submitting detailed reports to the president and the Attorney General, no actions were taken.”

Whether those claims are accurate, exaggerated, or self-serving is difficult to independently verify. What is documented, however, is that his tenure at SPIP generated enormous controversy — not only over those he investigated, but over the man doing the investigating.

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The ICPC File: Certificate Forgery and Diverted Funds

In August 2019, President Buhari suspended Obono-Obla as chairman of the panel following an investigation by the Independent Corrupt Practices and Other Related Offences Commission (ICPC) over alleged falsification of records and financial impropriety. In October 2019, ICPC declared him wanted over his repeated failure to appear before it to answer questions about fraud and corruption allegations.

His dismissal letter — unusual in its specificity — stated that he would face criminal prosecution and raised the prospect of the University of Jos withdrawing his law degree and the Nigerian Law School debarring him from practice. That was a remarkable, almost unprecedented threat for a government sack notice.

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ICPC arrested him in Abuja in March 2020. He legally challenged the ICPC’s authority to investigate certificate forgery, but the courts dismissed that challenge in May 2020, clearing the path for his formal arraignment in January 2021.

What followed was a complex, layered prosecution. ICPC, in a 10-count charge before the FCT High Court in Apo, Abuja, accused Obono-Obla of knowingly presenting a fake O’Level result — a credit pass in English Literature — to the University of Jos to secure admission to study law.

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 The commission alleged that while Obono-Obla did not sit for the GCE Ordinary Level in English Literature in 1982, he presented a result of that same examination, containing a Credit 6 from Mary Knoll College, Ogoja, to the university in 1985.

He was also charged, alongside his Senior Adviser on Protocol Aliyu Ibrahim and the Managing Director of ABR Global Petroleum Resources Limited, Daniel Omughele, with diverting funds meant for SPIP office furniture. The charge alleged that the three men diverted N18.2 million out of N19.9 million released by the Nigeria Deposit Insurance Corporation for the furnishing of SPIP’s offices. All three pleaded not guilty.

 

In March 2021, the charges were amended. ICPC alleged in the revised charge that Obono-Obla and Ibrahim conspired to divert N10,174,000 — part of N15,187,917 paid to contractors by the NDIC — into the account of ABR Global Petroleum Resources, a company in which Ibrahim held a directorship.  The third defendant was discharged as part of that amendment.

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In October 2021, ICPC separately arraigned Obono-Obla before the High Court of Plateau State in Jos, on a two-count charge of certificate forgery — specifically, that he presented a forged GCE result to gain admission to the University of Jos to study law. He again pleaded not guilty.


The NBA Watching 

The Nigerian Bar Association has responded to the latest arrest with cautious engagement. The NBA confirmed it is monitoring the situation closely and that it is committed to ensuring Obono-Obla’s constitutional rights are protected. Its representative stressed he should be given a fair opportunity to defend himself and have access to proper legal representation, warning that the NBA’s human rights committee would intervene if necessary.

As of the time of writing, Obono-Obla has not publicly responded to the latest arrest.

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Political Witch-Hunt or Pattern of Conduct?

The “witch-hunt” argument is one that Obono-Obla’s supporters have raised repeatedly, and it deserves serious scrutiny rather than dismissal. He is a member of the All Progressives Congress (APC). His arrest comes under a Tinubu administration that has no particular loyalty to Buhari-era operatives. He made public statements implicating powerful figures in corruption and claiming his recovered assets were returned to looters by the Buhari administration itself — allegations that would embarrass the political class broadly.

It is also true that Nigerian anti-corruption investigations have historically been weaponised against political opponents, and that petitions to police commissioners can be filed by anyone with a grievance, however motivated.

 

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But here is what the record shows: the core allegation — that Obono-Obla entered the legal profession using forged credentials — was not invented by the Tinubu government, the current Cross River police commissioner, or any political adversary of recent vintage. It was first formally raised under the Buhari administration, by Buhari’s own anti-graft agency. The ICPC investigation predates any plausible political motive by the current government. The court challenge to ICPC’s jurisdiction — a legal route that failed — was pursued years before the current political climate.

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The specific allegation is also extraordinarily specific: that he did not sit for a GCE English Literature examination in 1982, but presented a result from that examination to the University of Jos three years later. This is the kind of allegation that is either comprehensively provable or comprehensively disprovable through examination board records. It is not the sort of allegation typically conjured from thin air.

 

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What the latest Cross River arrest adds — and what should concern observers — is a question of forum shopping and coordination. If the ICPC has been prosecuting these same allegations since 2021 in Abuja and Jos courts, why is the Cross River State Police now receiving a fresh petition on the same core facts? Who filed that petition, and why now? These are legitimate questions about process that deserve answers — not because Obono-Obla is necessarily innocent, but because Nigeria’s justice system must not allow parallel prosecutions to become instruments of harassment, whatever the underlying merits.

 


What We Know, and What Remains Unresolved

The facts, as they stand, are these: Okoi Obono-Obla was a practicing lawyer and senior government official who has faced, and continues to face, allegations that he never legitimately qualified for either role. Those allegations were first formally raised by Nigeria’s anti-corruption establishment in 2019. Courts have ruled against his procedural challenges. He has been arraigned multiple times, in multiple jurisdictions, and has consistently pleaded not guilty. None of these cases have yet produced a conviction — but none have been resolved in his favour either.

He now sits in the SCID in Calabar, and an old question remains conspicuously unanswered: how did a man allegedly armed with forged school results make it all the way to the office of the Presidency, charged with hunting Nigeria’s looters?

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The irony, if the allegations prove true, would be almost too stark to bear.

— Additional reporting from court filings, ICPC official statements, and Cross River State Police Command communications.


 

EDITOR’S FACT-CHECK NOTES:

  • The original draft referred to the fraud figure as “N19.9 million” throughout. This is accurate for the initial January 2021 arraignment but was amended to approximately N10.1 million in the March 2021 rearraignment when charges were revised and one defendant discharged. Both figures appear in credible court records and refer to different charge iterations.
  • The original draft stated the court challenge was dismissed “in May 2020” — confirmed accurate by multiple sources.
  • The original draft cited “January 2021” as the formal arraignment date — confirmed accurate (January 22, 2021).
  • The latest arrest date is February 19, 2026, not vaguely described. Confirmed by TheCable, Premium Times, TheGuild, and the official police statement. Two minor outlets (Blueprint, Information Nigeria) incorrectly cited January 19 — this appears to be a typo.
  • The claim about recovered assets being “returned to looters” comes from Obono-Obla’s own unverified interview statements and has not been independently confirmed

 


Waterwaysnews.ng is committed to professionalism in journalism. Fact-checked stories are essential to public good.

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Blue Economy

Nigeria’s Coast Guard Bill: A Solution in Search of a Problem?

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The bill to establish a Nigerian Coast Guard has refused to die quietly.
First introduced in 2021 by Senator Akon Eyakenyi during the 9th Senate, it was revived in late 2024 under the sponsorship of Senator Wasiu Eshinlokun (APC-Lagos), passing its second reading in October 2024.
Its stated ambition is bold: create a full-fledged military service branch under the Ministry of Marine and Blue Economy, charged with maritime security, law enforcement, and search-and-rescue operations across Nigeria’s 853-kilometre coastline and approximately 10,000 kilometres of inland waterways.
The response from virtually every major stakeholder has been swift and overwhelming — opposition.

Why the Navy Says No

The Nigerian Navy’s resistance is not merely institutional protectionism. At the December 2024 public hearing convened by the Senate Committee on Marine Transport, the Navy presented a substantive case rooted in both domestic realities and global precedent.
Rear Admiral Olusegun Ferreira, representing the Chief of Naval Staff, drew on international examples to challenge the bill’s logic, pointing out that the United Kingdom does not operate a Coast Guard with military powers. Instead, the Royal Navy handles military defence and maritime security, while the UK Coast Guard, operating under the Maritime and Coastguard Agency, manages search-and-rescue and occupational safety as essentially a civilian and volunteer body.
The Navy’s core argument is that Nigeria already has a functioning maritime security architecture. Beyond the Navy itself, agencies including NIMASA, the Nigerian Inland Waterways Authority, the Nigeria Police Marine Unit, and Nigeria Customs Marine Unit all operate within the same maritime domain.
Adding a Coast Guard with overlapping military powers, the Navy contends, would not strengthen this architecture — it would fracture it.

Why Was the Bill Proposed at All?

Supporters of the bill, including the Minister of Marine and Blue Economy, Gboyega Oyetola, argue that Nigeria’s waterways face threats that existing agencies have simply failed to contain — rampant boat mishaps, illegal fishing costing billions of naira annually, pollution, unregulated coastal development, and the persistent vulnerability of inland waterways. Their position is that the Navy’s primary orientation is military defence, and that a dedicated civilian-facing Coast Guard would fill a genuine governance and enforcement gap.
The argument has merit on its face. Many countries — including the United States — operate a Coast Guard distinct from their navy, precisely to manage the civilian, regulatory, and environmental dimensions of maritime governance that fall awkwardly within a military mandate.
However, the Nigerian proposal is not a civilian Coast Guard. The bill explicitly seeks to make the Coast Guard a full-fledged military service and a branch of the Armed Forces of Nigeria, which erases the very distinction that justifies a Coast Guard’s existence in most countries.

A Security Threat in the Making?

Beyond duplication, there is a darker concern. Security analysts warn that without a clearly defined mandate and strategic alignment with existing agencies; the proposed Coast Guard could complicate Nigeria’s already crowded maritime security domain.
The National Security Adviser, Mallam Nuhu Ribadu, has reportedly rejected the bill, citing intelligence reports suggesting that militant factions from the Niger Delta are already forming organizations in anticipation of absorption into the proposed structure. If accurate, the Coast Guard risks becoming not a security institution but a pipeline for legitimising armed groups — a profound threat in a region with a long history of militancy.

The Fiscal Absurdity

Senator Adams Oshiomhole put the financial dimension bluntly: “It is imprudent to take loans to establish a new agency when existing structures can be strengthened.”
Nigeria is a country where the Navy already operates under severe budgetary strain. House Committee chairman Gagdi was direct: “We have a Navy that is working hard but suffocated. It would be irrational to consider another agency when the Navy is not adequately funded.”
The cost of establishing a new military service branch — recruitment, training, equipment, platforms, jetties, uniforms, salaries, pensions — would run into hundreds of billions of naira, money Nigeria does not have and would likely borrow.

What Should Government Do Instead?

The consensus from the Navy, lawmakers, security experts, and civil society groups is clear, even if the government has been slow to hear it: fix what exists before building something new.
Concretely, this means adequately funding the Nigerian Navy to expand its operational reach, particularly on inland waterways where its presence is thin. It means strengthening NIMASA’s regulatory and enforcement capacity, reforming NIWA to better police inland waterways, and improving coordination and intelligence-sharing between the multiple agencies already operating in the maritime space. It also means addressing the legal and regulatory gaps in maritime safety enforcement — the kind of work that does not require a new institution, only the political will to resource and reform existing ones.
If Nigeria genuinely needs a civilian body focused on environmental protection, search-and-rescue, and inland waterway safety — functions the Navy is structurally ill-suited to prioritize — the answer is a lean, civilian Coast Guard clearly subordinate to civil authority, with no military powers, no armed mandate, and no overlap with naval operations. That is the model that works in countries like the UK. It is emphatically not what the current bill proposes.

The Danger of Duplication

The deeper problem the Coast Guard Bill exposes is a pattern that has long weakened Nigerian governance: the habit of creating new institutions rather than fixing broken ones. Every duplicate agency adds bureaucratic friction, jurisdictional disputes, and competition for resources. In the maritime domain, where coordination between agencies is already a documented weakness, adding another armed actor with an overlapping mandate is not a reform — it is a recipe for operational paralysis and, potentially, armed confrontation between agencies of the same government.
Nigeria’s waters deserve better. So does the public that depends on them.
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BIRTHDAY FELICITATIONS TO HER EXCELLENCY OLOROGUN AMBASSADOR (DR.) MRS. OMODORO ADESEYE OGUNLEWE

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BIRTHDAY FELICITATIONS TO HER EXCELLENCY OLOROGUN AMBASSADOR (DR.) MRS OMODORO ADESEYE OGUNLEWE

The Chairman of the Urhobo Progress Union (UPU) Onisiwo Island Apapa sub-branch, Captain Osaweren Oghenevwoke Larry, has extended his heartfelt birthday wishes to Her Excellency Olorogun Ambassador (Dr) Mrs. Omodoro Adeseye-Ogunlewe, President of Urhobo Nation for Tinubu 2027 (UNT2027).

In a statement released from his Onisiwo Kingdom residence in Lagos, Captain Larry expressed profound admiration for the celebrant’s exemplary leadership and dedication to the advancement of the Urhobo Nation.

“On behalf of the UPU Onisiwo Island Apapa Sub-branch and the entire Onisiwo Kingdom communities, I felicitate with Her Excellency Olorogun Amb. Dr. Mrs Omodoro Adeseye Ogunlewe on the auspicious occasion of her birthday,” Captain Larry stated.

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The UPU sub-branch chairman lauded Her Excellency’s visionary leadership as President of Urhobo Nation for Tinubu 2027, noting her instrumental role in fostering unity among the Urhobo people and strengthening strategic political ties and alliances for the purpose.

HER EXCELLENCY OLOROGUN DR. MRS OMODORO ADESEYE OGUNLEWE

“Her Excellency’s unwavering commitment to nation-building and her tireless advocacy for the Tinubu 2027 project, exemplify true leadership and patriotism. As a staunch supporter of this noble cause, I am inspired by her dedication to the collective progress of the Urhobos in particular and our nation Nigeria in general.” Captain Larry remarked.

He prayed for divine blessings, robust health, increased wisdom, and continued strength for Her Excellency to sustain her transformative leadership.

“May this new year of your life bring abundant joy, unprecedented achievements, divine favour and above all, good health of mind and body. We celebrate your invaluable contributions to our nation and look forward to greater accomplishments under your distinguished leadership,” the statement concluded.

Captain Osaweren Oghenevwoke Larry
is Chairman, Urhobo Progress Union (UPU) Onisiwo Island Apapa Sub-branch
Onisiwo Kingdom, Lagos State.

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