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Nigeria’s Coast Guard Bill: A Solution in Search of a Problem?

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The bill to establish a Nigerian Coast Guard has refused to die quietly.
First introduced in 2021 by Senator Akon Eyakenyi during the 9th Senate, it was revived in late 2024 under the sponsorship of Senator Wasiu Eshinlokun (APC-Lagos), passing its second reading in October 2024.
Its stated ambition is bold: create a full-fledged military service branch under the Ministry of Marine and Blue Economy, charged with maritime security, law enforcement, and search-and-rescue operations across Nigeria’s 853-kilometre coastline and approximately 10,000 kilometres of inland waterways.
The response from virtually every major stakeholder has been swift and overwhelming — opposition.

Why the Navy Says No

The Nigerian Navy’s resistance is not merely institutional protectionism. At the December 2024 public hearing convened by the Senate Committee on Marine Transport, the Navy presented a substantive case rooted in both domestic realities and global precedent.
Rear Admiral Olusegun Ferreira, representing the Chief of Naval Staff, drew on international examples to challenge the bill’s logic, pointing out that the United Kingdom does not operate a Coast Guard with military powers. Instead, the Royal Navy handles military defence and maritime security, while the UK Coast Guard, operating under the Maritime and Coastguard Agency, manages search-and-rescue and occupational safety as essentially a civilian and volunteer body.
The Navy’s core argument is that Nigeria already has a functioning maritime security architecture. Beyond the Navy itself, agencies including NIMASA, the Nigerian Inland Waterways Authority, the Nigeria Police Marine Unit, and Nigeria Customs Marine Unit all operate within the same maritime domain.
Adding a Coast Guard with overlapping military powers, the Navy contends, would not strengthen this architecture — it would fracture it.

Why Was the Bill Proposed at All?

Supporters of the bill, including the Minister of Marine and Blue Economy, Gboyega Oyetola, argue that Nigeria’s waterways face threats that existing agencies have simply failed to contain — rampant boat mishaps, illegal fishing costing billions of naira annually, pollution, unregulated coastal development, and the persistent vulnerability of inland waterways. Their position is that the Navy’s primary orientation is military defence, and that a dedicated civilian-facing Coast Guard would fill a genuine governance and enforcement gap.
The argument has merit on its face. Many countries — including the United States — operate a Coast Guard distinct from their navy, precisely to manage the civilian, regulatory, and environmental dimensions of maritime governance that fall awkwardly within a military mandate.
However, the Nigerian proposal is not a civilian Coast Guard. The bill explicitly seeks to make the Coast Guard a full-fledged military service and a branch of the Armed Forces of Nigeria, which erases the very distinction that justifies a Coast Guard’s existence in most countries.

A Security Threat in the Making?

Beyond duplication, there is a darker concern. Security analysts warn that without a clearly defined mandate and strategic alignment with existing agencies; the proposed Coast Guard could complicate Nigeria’s already crowded maritime security domain.
The National Security Adviser, Mallam Nuhu Ribadu, has reportedly rejected the bill, citing intelligence reports suggesting that militant factions from the Niger Delta are already forming organizations in anticipation of absorption into the proposed structure. If accurate, the Coast Guard risks becoming not a security institution but a pipeline for legitimising armed groups — a profound threat in a region with a long history of militancy.

The Fiscal Absurdity

Senator Adams Oshiomhole put the financial dimension bluntly: “It is imprudent to take loans to establish a new agency when existing structures can be strengthened.”
Nigeria is a country where the Navy already operates under severe budgetary strain. House Committee chairman Gagdi was direct: “We have a Navy that is working hard but suffocated. It would be irrational to consider another agency when the Navy is not adequately funded.”
The cost of establishing a new military service branch — recruitment, training, equipment, platforms, jetties, uniforms, salaries, pensions — would run into hundreds of billions of naira, money Nigeria does not have and would likely borrow.

What Should Government Do Instead?

The consensus from the Navy, lawmakers, security experts, and civil society groups is clear, even if the government has been slow to hear it: fix what exists before building something new.
Concretely, this means adequately funding the Nigerian Navy to expand its operational reach, particularly on inland waterways where its presence is thin. It means strengthening NIMASA’s regulatory and enforcement capacity, reforming NIWA to better police inland waterways, and improving coordination and intelligence-sharing between the multiple agencies already operating in the maritime space. It also means addressing the legal and regulatory gaps in maritime safety enforcement — the kind of work that does not require a new institution, only the political will to resource and reform existing ones.
If Nigeria genuinely needs a civilian body focused on environmental protection, search-and-rescue, and inland waterway safety — functions the Navy is structurally ill-suited to prioritize — the answer is a lean, civilian Coast Guard clearly subordinate to civil authority, with no military powers, no armed mandate, and no overlap with naval operations. That is the model that works in countries like the UK. It is emphatically not what the current bill proposes.

The Danger of Duplication

The deeper problem the Coast Guard Bill exposes is a pattern that has long weakened Nigerian governance: the habit of creating new institutions rather than fixing broken ones. Every duplicate agency adds bureaucratic friction, jurisdictional disputes, and competition for resources. In the maritime domain, where coordination between agencies is already a documented weakness, adding another armed actor with an overlapping mandate is not a reform — it is a recipe for operational paralysis and, potentially, armed confrontation between agencies of the same government.
Nigeria’s waters deserve better. So does the public that depends on them.
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  1. Promise Nwaobilor

    March 31, 2026 at 7:45 pm

    Nigeria Coast guard should be signed under the law and it will help the society to get jobs in the country

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Blue Economy

Water Transport Operators Push For Recognition At The Table As FTAN Demands Tourism Policy Reforms

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Water Transport Operators Push For Recognition At The Table As FTAN Demands Tourism Policy Reforms

By Okeoghene Onoriobe | Waterways News

Nigeria’s tourism sector needs urgent policy reform, stronger collaboration and fresh investment to compete globally and water transport operators who are members of the Federation of Tourism Associations of Nigeria (FTAN) want that conversation to include the boats, ferries and waterway routes that move millions of Nigerians and could move even more tourists.

That was the underlying idea raised by Comrade Babatope Fajemirokun National President of Waterfront Boat Owners and Transporters Association of Nigeria (WABOTAN) represented by Chief Raymond Gold, National PRO of WABOTAN, at the ninth Nigeria Tourism Investors Forum and Exhibition (NTIFE), held over two days in Abuja under the theme “Tourism Transformation Through Collaboration, Policy Alignment and Investment.” The events took place between Thursday 30 to Friday 31 of July 2026. Waterfront Boat Owners and Transporters Association of Nigeria (WABOTAN), is a corporate member of FTAN

The forum drew policymakers, investors, tourism operators and development partners.

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FTAN President Dr Aliyu Badaki used his welcome remarks to press the Federal Government to overhaul tourism-related laws and regulatory frameworks that he said breed duplication, institutional conflict and legal uncertainty for operators. He said the federation’s newly developed Tourism Transformation Mandate (TTM) is meant to unify every segment of the tourism value chain.

Babatope Fajemirokun, through Chief Gold emphasizes the fact that this value chain for Nigeria’s coastal cities, riverine communities and inland waterway corridors, runs directly through water transport.

Badaki argued that fragmented efforts and weak coordination have held back the sector for years, and called for regulation that enables rather than inhibits growth.

Minister of Art, Culture, Tourism and Creative Economy, Hannatu Musawa, who declared the forum open, described tourism as a strategic pillar for economic diversification. She said government cannot finance tourism transformation alone and that private capital must lead, with government’s role limited to creating an enabling environment for investors.

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In his keynote address, Sen. Ibrahim Ida called for stronger collaboration among government, the private sector and host communities, saying tourism can generate jobs, foreign exchange and diversification if properly harnessed.

Panel sessions, moderated by Justina Ovat of Calabar Hospitality House Limited, featured Nigeria Tourism Development Authority (NTDA) Director-General Dr Ola Awakan, who called for policy consistency and investor-friendly incentives, and Dr Philip Maga of the National Institute for Hospitality and Tourism (NIHOTOUR), who flagged the need for stronger workforce training to close skills gaps across the hospitality industry.

Hospitality entrepreneur Lanre Balogun urged investors to prioritise disciplined, long-term planning.

Nigeria Watch
For Nigeria’s water transport sector, NTIFE’s reform push is not a side conversation. Rather, it is a direct stakeholder issue. FTAN’s corporate membership includes Waterfront Boat Owners and Transporters Association of Nigeria (WABOTAN) and the Association of Tourist Boat Operators and Water Transporters of Nigeria (ATBOWATON), both drawn from the ranks of operators who run the boats, ferries and water taxis that already serve Lagos’s creeks, the Niger Delta’s riverine towns and coastal leisure routes. Their presence inside FTAN means the federation’s demand for regulatory clarity and coordinated policy carries an inland-waterways and blue-economy dimension that goes beyond hotels and heritage sites.

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That matters because water tourism sits at an awkward regulatory junction in Nigeria. A tourist boat operator answers not only to tourism authorities but potentially to NIWA, LASWA (in Lagos) and NIMASA on safety standards, and state government tourism boards, precisely the kind of overlapping jurisdiction Badaki described as breeding “duplication, institutional conflicts… and operational uncertainty.”

The 2026 Supreme Court ruling affirming NIWA’s regulatory authority over inland waterways nationwide, following the NIWA-LASWA jurisdictional dispute, is a live example of the kind of institutional friction FTAN’s Tourism Transformation Mandate is meant to resolve, at least on the tourism side.

Musawa’s call for private capital to lead tourism investment also lands squarely on water transport operators’ desks. Vessel acquisition, safety retrofitting, jetty infrastructure and life-jacket compliance all require capital that small-scale operators, including WABOTAN’s member-cooperative structure, have struggled to access, a gap that echoes the long-running CVFF disbursement failure in the cabotage shipping sector and underscores why financing bottlenecks are not unique to cargo and passenger shipping alone.

If FTAN’s push for policy alignment succeeds in drawing water transport formally into Nigeria’s tourism investment architecture, operators like WABOTAN and ATBOWATON could gain a stronger claim to inclusion in infrastructure programmes such as the Omi-Eko electric ferry project and LASWA’s ferry safety development initiatives, turning routine commuter water transport into a recognised leisure and tourism asset, not just a transportation afterthought.

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For a sector accustomed to being regulated but rarely consulted, this call by Babatope Fajemirokun is a modest but meaningful call.

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Blue Economy

NIMASA Deepens Seafarer Welfare Push, Signs Off Renewed Mission to Seafarers Collaboration

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NIMASA Deepens Seafarer Welfare Push, Signs Off Renewed Mission to Seafarers Collaboration

By Ighoyota Onaibre | Waterways News

The Nigerian Maritime Administration and Safety Agency (NIMASA) has restated its commitment to improving the welfare of Nigerian seafarers, pledging deeper collaboration with the Mission to Seafarers (MtS) as part of ongoing reforms in the sector.

The commitment came as the Director-General, Dr Dayo Mobereola, received a delegation from the Mission to Seafarers at the agency’s Lagos headquarters, led by the Chairman of MtS Lagos, Chief Adebayo Sarumi, alongside the Regional Director for Africa, Reverend Cedric Rautenbach.

Speaking on behalf of the DG, NIMASA’s Executive Director for Operations, Engr. Fatai Taiye Adeyemi, said the agency would continue tightening certification processes, expanding capacity development programmes, and strengthening welfare policies for seafarers both at sea and in port, in partnership with stakeholders such as the Mission to Seafarers.

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Chief Sarumi commended NIMASA’s ongoing reforms and expressed confidence that closer collaboration would translate into tangible welfare gains for Nigerian maritime professionals. Reverend Rautenbach, for his part, clarified that while the Mission to Seafarers and Nigeria’s Port Welfare Committees pursue a shared objective which is the the wellbeing of seafarers. The two bodies operate on distinct, complementary mandates, making coordination between them essential to strengthening on-ground support at Nigerian ports.

The meeting covered decent working conditions, welfare service gaps, and areas of mutual collaboration. NIMASA said the engagement aligns with its obligations under the Maritime Labour Convention (MLC) 2006, and forms part of a broader push toward stronger regulatory oversight and stakeholder engagement on seafarer rights.

Nigeria Watch
Beyond the courtesy-visit optics, this meeting lands on a fault line that has dogged Nigerian seafarer welfare for years: fragmented institutional responsibility. NIMASA regulates and certifies; Port Welfare Committees are meant to deliver frontline services at berths; the Mission to Seafarers, a faith-based international NGO, fills gaps neither statutory body always reaches. These gaps are chaplaincy, shore leave support, emergency assistance, and advocacy for stranded or abandoned crew.

Rautenbach’s point about “distinct but complementary mandates” is worth pressing on, because in practice that distinction has often meant duplication in some areas and total absence in others.

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Nigerian seafarers have long reported patchy access to welfare facilities at ports like Apapa, Tin Can Island, and Onne. Such reports include inconsistent internet access, poor rest facilities, and slow response to cases of wage default or abandonment by errant shipowners, issues MWUN has repeatedly raised in past CBA compliance disputes.

NIMASA’s MLC 2006 framing is the right one, but enforcement, not policy language, remains the industry’s persistent complaint. If this renewed MtS partnership is to mean more than another photo-op at headquarters, it should translate into a documented, port-by-port welfare service map: which ports have functioning seafarer centres, which Port Welfare Committees are actually active, and where the Mission to Seafarers’ Flying Angel network is present versus where seafarers are effectively on their own.

Nigerian crews calling at their own national ports deserve better than welfare support that depends on which NGO happens to be in town.

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NIMASA Bets on Youths to Power Nigeria’s Blue Giant Ambitions

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NIMASA Bets on Youths to Power Nigeria’s Blue Giant Ambitions

By Okeoghene Onoriobe | Waterways News

The Nigerian Maritime Administration and Safety Agency (NIMASA) has restated that the country’s push to become Africa’s “Blue Giant” will rise or fall on how well it equips young Nigerians for the blue economy, with the agency’s Director-General, Dr Dayo Mobereola, describing youth capacity-building as the engine room of the National Marine and Blue Economy Policy.

Mobereola made the point at the 10th Taiwo Afolabi Annual Maritime (TAAM) Lecture at the University of Lagos, where he was represented by NIMASA’s Director of Reforms Coordination and Blue Economy, Mrs Nneka Obianyor. He linked the agency’s youth agenda directly to President Bola Tinubu’s economic diversification drive, noting that the Minister of Marine and Blue Economy, Adegboyega Oyetola, has directed NIMASA to prioritise skills development and job creation for young Nigerians in the sector.

Director-General of NIMASA, Dr. Dayo Mobereola

To back that up, Mobereola pointed to a cluster of NIMASA programmes already running: the long-standing Nigerian Seafarers Development Programme (NSDP), a newly launched Blue Economy Accelerator Initiative, skills acquisition centres spread across the six geopolitical zones, and the rollout of Institutes of Maritime Studies in select Nigerian universities. He framed these as deliberate interventions meant to build capacity, generate employment, and spur innovation among the country’s youth population.

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Separately, NIMASA used the UNILAG engagement to go beyond ceremony, running an interactive session with doctoral and master’s students on shipping development, maritime logistics, cabotage implementation, and maritime labour regulation. The session was led by the agency’s Director of Cabotage Services, Ms Gloria Anyasodo, and was pitched as part of a broader effort to strengthen ties between academia and industry in tackling the maritime sector’s practical challenges.

Nigeria Watch
The optics are good; the test, as always, will be delivery. NIMASA has no shortage of youth-facing initiatives on paper. The NSDP has existed for years, skills centres have been announced before, and Institutes of Maritime Studies have been floated in past budget cycles. What’s new here is the Blue Economy Accelerator Initiative, and it arrives with the same vagueness that has dogged similar rollouts: no disclosed funding envelope, no timeline for the six geopolitical zone centres to be fully operational, and no public framework for how graduates of these programmes are absorbed into shipping, logistics, or cabotage jobs afterward.

That absorption question matters more than any lecture-hall soundbite. Nigeria’s maritime training pipeline, from MAN Oron to the seafarer certification backlog that this publication has tracked, already produces more qualified hands than the domestic fleet and port ecosystem can currently employ. This is a mismatch tied directly to the Cabotage Vessel Financing Fund’s decades-long disbursement failure and the slow pace of indigenous vessel acquisition. Training more youths without fixing that bottleneck simply shifts the frustration downstream, from unemployment to underemployment.

There’s also an accountability gap in how these announcements are made. They are usually made through a lecture delegation rather than a costed policy document. If NIMASA and the Ministry of Marine and Blue Economy are serious about youths driving the Blue Giant ambition, the next disclosure should include enrolment numbers, the accelerator’s funding source, and most critically, the placement data showing how many NSDP and skills-centre graduates have actually found sea-time or shore-based maritime employment. Until then, this remains a well-intentioned promise stacked on top of several older, still-unfulfilled promises.

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